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An article published in AnewZ’s Opinion section examines the relationship between religion and secularism and Azerbaijan’s approach to these issues. The publication notes that the section features views and analyses by independent contributors, whose positions are their own and do not reflect AnewZ’s official stance.
The author argues that the modern state is founded on the principle of secularism, which is reflected in constitutions regulating relations between the state and society, including citizens. The principle of secularism is also set out in Azerbaijan’s Constitution in defining the character of the state. The article presents the Azerbaijani doctrine as a broad concept, while focusing primarily on religion and secularism.
The formation of secular states
The article says political theorists have regarded sovereignty exercised within defined borders as the foundation of nation-states. States have been reluctant to share sovereignty—which encompasses unity, integrity, indivisibility and absoluteness—or to accept external interference.
The author identifies the determination of social, economic, cultural and political life within a secular framework as another feature of nation-states. Voltaire championed secularism in Europe, while Mirza Fatali Akhundzade did so in Azerbaijan.
Thus, a state model based on religious doctrine and dynasties gave way to one founded on national sovereignty. According to the article, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Republic of Türkiye were also established on this principle.
Changes in thought, art, politics and the economy in the 1970s and 1980s began to undermine the modern order that had taken shape in the 19th century. Classical capitalism, which had played a major role in the emergence of nation-states, gave way to financial capitalism, creating conditions for the spread of postmodern and neoliberal thought.
The article also stresses the importance of taking account of new forms of technology and their impact on social life. In the author’s view, these developments made religion more visible again in social, economic and political life, even as strict secularism sought to confine it to places of worship. This, to some extent, reflected a need that had emerged in society. The author writes that, after a struggle lasting 30 to 40 years, states prevailed over postmodern and neoliberal approaches.
Azerbaijani identity and religious policy
The article says religion is part of identity, while identities in the modern world are formed primarily on national and ethnic foundations. The author describes the Garabagh struggle for Azerbaijanis as a national, rather than religious, struggle. At the same time, Islam is identified as an integral part of Azerbaijani identity and culture. The article cites the raising of the flag by soldiers in liberated territories, followed by the call to prayer from minarets, as an example of this approach.
The article stresses that Azerbaijani national identity does not reject Turkic identity; rather, incorporating Turkic identity is one of the key conditions for building a distinct and healthy national identity. The author says Azerbaijani identity historically took shape on the basis of Turkic identity, or Turkism, giving Azerbaijanis a distinct identity within the Russian Empire, which was facing the threat of fragmentation.
At the same time, the foundations and political and legal framework of Azerbaijan’s national identity policy have developed within the concept of Azerbaijanism. According to the article, this approach gave distinction and continuity to Azerbaijani national identity, which took shape within a specific space—the homeland and country.
The author writes that the Republic of Azerbaijan has adopted an “Azerbaijani doctrine” whose core element is Azerbaijanism and whose complementary element is multiculturalism. The article says this is intended to preserve the country’s existence and distinctiveness, first domestically and then internationally. Otherwise, in the author’s view, the risk of Azerbaijan becoming part of one of its neighboring states could have been unavoidable. The country must therefore learn to stand on its own as an independent state.
The author says Azerbaijan has developed a distinctive religious policy, unlike neighboring Iran and Türkiye. The article notes that Iran’s political system is built on the principles of Sharia, while the concept of a secular state in Türkiye has evolved to include conservative values.
President Ilham Aliyev also focused on the issue in an interview with Al Arabiya television. The article says the president’s remarks in the interview reflect Azerbaijan’s approach to religion and religious sects, from the past to the present. Aliyev said:
“For us, national and ethnic identity comes first. Citizenship comes second. Or citizenship can come first alongside ethnic identity. For the overwhelming majority of Azerbaijanis, sectarian issues have no place. We are Muslims, and for us that is the number one issue. We are completely free of any foreign interference.”
According to the article, although religion is part of national identity, Islam—the faith of the majority of society—has had a weaker direct influence on political institutions and society than in Türkiye and Iran. The author attributes this to social and historical factors. He says that in Northern Azerbaijan, which was partly under Ottoman rule and predominantly under Safavid rule, those empires did not establish an extensive institutional and written religious tradition, particularly a madrasa system.
The geographic area where the modern Azerbaijani state took shape served as a “distant territory,” or border region, for both empires. By comparison, the article notes that the Safavid state’s religious centers were in Southern Azerbaijan—in Ardabil and Tabriz—while the Ottoman religious tradition took shape in Anatolia, in Konya and Bursa. The author writes that building a secular society was easier in Azerbaijan than in these two neighboring countries. The article says the institutional legacy of the Ottomans and Safavids was largely absorbed by Türkiye and Iran, while Azerbaijan has sought to develop a religious policy suited to its own capacities, historical experience and needs.
Sovereignty and the renewal of religious policy
The article recalls that Azerbaijan’s modern history was shaped by external interventions, including the Treaties of Gulistan and Turkmenchay and the decisions that created the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region. The author says that after its victories in 2020 and 2023, Azerbaijan has sought to take forward-looking steps toward becoming a fully sovereign state, with the Turkic world forming the foundation and center of the country’s foreign policy.
The 70-year Soviet period, when religion was pushed out of public life, should also not be forgotten, the article says. According to the author, that historical experience and context created a particular cultural form. This culture should change primarily in line with the needs of Azerbaijani society; otherwise, it will not be possible to ensure the continuity of a religious policy shaped by external intervention.
The article again emphasizes that Ilham Aliyev devoted particular attention to the issue in his interview with Al Arabiya. The author notes that governments seek to adopt political discourse suited to their interests in order to build economic and cultural power.
The article says that for Azerbaijan’s state and government, making politics religious—or allowing religious sects, groups and communities to direct political activity, as in some Muslim countries—is not a priority. The author writes that such a situation could conflict with the nature, capacities and functioning of the Azerbaijani state. The country’s historical experience, capacities and ability to function determine its need not only for religion, but also for nationalism.
The article notes that the Azerbaijani government and state institutions pursue a multicultural policy toward religion, religious institutions and religious communities. At the same time, it stresses the need for a strategy that will preserve Azerbaijan’s distinctiveness in religious affairs, taking into account new forms of religious influence on political institutions. The author says it is not possible to ensure the sustainability of a strict secular policy that entirely disregards religion.
The world that Voltaire, Kant and Akhundzade sought to shape has changed and acquired a new identity, the article says. Azerbaijan’s state is therefore seeking to develop its own policy on religion, as well as its teaching and research capacities. The article says the Institute of Theology can also be viewed in this context. The author writes that national distinctiveness, shaped by Turkic identity and Azerbaijanism, is also reflected in religious policy.
The article stresses that Azerbaijan continues to develop its own policy on religion. One of the first steps taken in liberated Shusha was the restoration of the Govhar Agha Mosque, it says. According to the article, the restoration of religious sites, including the Govhar Agha Mosque, the construction in Shusha of a modern-style mosque incorporating traditional architectural features, and political support for the operation of religious minority places of worship in Baku demonstrate that the state is not indifferent to religion or religious communities.
The author concludes that religion is part of Azerbaijani identity but does not hold decisive authority in political and legal decision-making. Building a national identity that requires some renewal after victory, and the policies pursued in this area, call for a new approach to religion.
